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INTERNET INSURRECTION

Joan Beecher Eichrodt

        Reporting of the Dagestani conflict in both the Russian and foreign media has been much more one-sided—in most cases, having little sympathy with the insurgents—than previous reporting on the Chechen war.  The army of international journalists, so conspicuous in Chechnya, is absent this time around; the threat of kidnapping has seen to that.  Not one of the Dagestani and Russian journalists covering the conflict has been behind rebel lines.  Even the most free-thinking media outlets—including independent news sources on the Internet—primarily depend on press releases from Russian military headquarters and from official Dagestani sources.
        Earlier this summer when the guerrillas first launched their offensive, the Dagestani government immediately responded with an all-out media campaign against the invasion, utilizing radio, television, the press, and the Internet.  By 10 August, it had established a new website with several mirror sites, including one in the United States, <www.kavkaz.com>.  According to the Ministry of Nationalities, Information, and External Relations, which launched the site, its primary purpose is “to provide the broadest possible coverage of events for the benefit of all media.” And its motto, according to the Ministry, is “to tell the truth about Dagestan.” The message underlying the site’s material is that all Dagestanis have united in the face of aggression—an invasion launched by a horde of Chechen bandits and foreign mercenaries.  For the most part the Moscow-based media echo the same line.
        One source that has regularly provided a different viewpoint – by depicting the guerrilla action as a Dagestani liberation struggle against the Russians and the notoriously corrupt local government—is the Chechnya-based “Caucasus Center”—known as <kavkaz.org>.
Like <kavkaz.com>, <kavkaz.org>—founded earlier this year—aims to capture Russian and world public opinion.  The mastermind behind it, Movladi Udugov, is credited by the Russians themselves with having defeated them in the information war in Chechnya, even before they lost the shooting war.
        As minister of information for the late Chechen president Dzhokhar Dudayev, Udugov was tireless in disseminating his side’s version of events, always making himself available to Russian and foreign journalists.  In 1997, after the war, he ran for the Chechen presidency, as the candidate of his own party, Islamic Order.  After losing to Aslan Maskhadov, he served for a while as Maskhadov’s foreign minister, although he has long been at odds with the Chechen president.  Udugov has devoted himself to the creation of a united Chechen-Dagestani Muslim state, an idea Maskhadov has explicitly rejected.  At present, Udugov is the vice chairman of a public organization called the Congress of Peoples of Ichkeria and Dagestan (recently renamed the Mejlis of Muslims of Chechnya and Dagestan), which was formed to promote this goal of unification.  Shamil Basayev is the chairman.  This group not only united the leaders of the uprising in Dagestan, but served as the organizational force behind it.
        In a telephone interview with Transitions Online, Udugov pointed out that even though <kavkaz.org> is often referred to as “Udugov’s site,” it is really owned by a group of young programmers in Grozny.  “I help them out with some money—it doesn’t take much money to run a website—and I supply them with analytical reports, from my research institute [the Grozny-based Institute of Strategic Research].  They have two old computers, and no support staff. . . .  And their local correspondents in Dagestan are volunteers; they don’t charge anything for their services.  It’s basically a shoestring operation.”

Letting off Steam

        Few people have Internet access in Dagestan, fewer still in Chechnya, which lacks even the most elementary telephone system.  But more and more Russian citizens are turning to the Internet to get their news.  According to recent estimates from the Regional Public Center of Internet Technologies <http://inter.net.ru/13/41.html>, about 1.5 million people—just under 50 percent of them in the immediate Moscow area—have Internet access, and the number has been growing exponentially.
        By 12 September, <kavkaz.org> had become one of the most popular Internet sites in Russia, taking 21st place in the Rambler search engine’s list of Russia’s top 100 Internet sites, which is ranked by the number of hits.  The Dagestani government’s site came in as number 357.
        The site’s success can be attributed, in part, to the fact that it has been the only alternate source of information on events in Dagestan.  The news items are generally brief: for the most part, merely reprints—without commentary—of press releases from the Islamic Government of Dagestan, and statements from various leaders.  A further attraction is a new section—Yeltsingate—which reprints press articles about the Russian governing elite’s reported financial misdeeds.

        It also seems likely that many visitors come to the site simply to vent.  After all, the kind of people who are connected to the Internet in Russia are not likely to be won over by language such as this excerpt from the site:
For 140 years Islamic Dagestan has been occupied by the Russian kafir.  For 140 years Islamic Dagestan has been ruled by the law of Satan and his servants. . . .  We want victory or Paradise! And, God willing, we will free Dagestan from the kafirs! . . .  Drive the Russian aggressors and their hangers-on out of your villages and cities.  Establish the Shariat of Allah, and perhaps you will be saved. (From Shamil Basayev’s “Address to the Muslims of Dagestan,” 15 August 1999)

Or such as this:  “Our dead are in Paradise.  Your dead are in Hell.” (Basayev statement, 9/7/99)
        The political cartoons displayed on the site won’t appeal to the average Russian websurfer either, most particularly the one showing Russian soldiers speared—as on a shishkebab skewer—on a Caucasian dagger.
        The site has helped fuel an outburst of Chechenophobia, serving to evaporate any guilt Russians may have felt about being the aggressors in the Chechen war.  Now that Chechens are viewed as the aggressors, advocates of the total extermination of the Chechen people have been prolifically posting in every Russian chatroom available—including the one on <kavkaz.org> itself.

“Our Brave Hackers”

        Outraged at what was beginning to look like another Udugov propaganda coup, hackers have vowed to wipe out his site.  For about a week, beginning on 30 August, it looked as if they might have succeeded.  On the left of the page the hackers posted a picture of the poet Mikhail Lermontov—who fought in the Caucasus War over 150 years ago—holding a Kalashnikov, and with the legend “Misha was here!” next to his head.  Then, to the right of the page: “This site has been closed down at the request of Russian citizens.  This is what will happen to all websites of terrorists and murderers!”
        Russian state television gleefully congratulated “our brave hackers” for their derring-do.  It is not clear whether the deed was indeed done by independent hackers, or by operatives of Russian intelligence.
        But within a week, “Misha” disappeared.  Udugov’s site was registered in the United States earlier this year by Albert Digaev, a computer science student, who then placed it on a server in California, where he has a website of his own.  By a ruse, someone, evidently located in Chelyabinsk, Russia, obtained the password to the site, and had the traffic diverted to another server, also in the United States.  At that point, Digaev says, the “Misha” page was substituted for the <kavkaz.org> home page.  After the ruse was discovered, traffic was simply redirected to the original server, and the site was up again.
        Udugov’s site may be facing a more sophisticated enemy.  According to a 9 September BBC report, Russian Interior Minister Vladimir Rushaylo announced that he had given the FBI more information about the alleged “Chechen-Bin Laden Connection.” He then went on to say that the FBI, in return, offered its help in combating the rebels in Dagestan, including assistance with “eliminating Internet sites set up by the rebels.”
        Then, on 13 September, following the two explosions that destroyed Moscow apartment buildings and caused over 200 deaths, Digaev received an e-mail from the company operating his server in California.  It informed him that the company was canceling the <kavkaz.org> account because of escalating complaints about the site.  The complaints alleged that “the content includes terrorist propaganda, and discriminatory/hate material.”
        Digaev has since moved <kavkaz.org> to one free server, temporarily; then to a second; and now is moving it to a third.  The reasons are still unclear as to whether the disruptions are due to technical glitches, or outside intervention.  But <kavkaz.org> has disappeared from the Rambler ratings, and Udugov’s chances of winning the information war this time around are beginning to look fairly dim.

* Joan Beecher Eichrodt is a historian and a journalist who has spent much time in the North Caucasus over the last decade, including a year in Chechnya (1994-1995), on a grant from the MacArthur Foundation.

Reprinted with Permission
Copyright © 1999 Transitions Online
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Last Updated: 10/13/99

 

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