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HUNGARY

        The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press, and the Government respects this right in practice.  All the major print media—national and regional newspapers, magazines, and tabloids—are in private hands, some as part of foreign media companies.  The print media enjoy considerable freedom; however, journalists and opposition politicians are concerned that the expression of different views in the press may be circumscribed by the small number of owners who control most of the print media.
        Parliament passed a media law in 1995 creating institutions designed to foster a free and independent electronic media.  The law provided for the creation of nationwide commercial television and radio and insulated the remaining public service media from government control.  In June the Government awarded licenses for the new privatized television channels that began broadcasting in October; licenses for commercial radio were awarded in November, and the stations are expected to begin broadcasting in early 1999.
        The regulatory body created by the 1995 law, the National Television and Radio Board (ORTT), was accused during its first year and a half of operation of political bias in awarding television licenses.  Others have criticized ORTT for its attempts to acquire a share of the National Broadcasting Company, thereby becoming an owner in the industry it regulates.  Two lawsuits have been filed against the Board, in both cases raising the question of whether the Board truly is insulated from politics and conflicts of interest as intended by the law.
        Academic freedom is generally respected.

Commentary

        It is unbelievable that the report for 1998 is the same as that of 1997, and there are some inaccuracies about the 1997 report as well.  The licenses for private television channels of course were not awarded by the government, but by the ORTT.  Although there are some worries about the small number of owners, these worries are limited because all the serious experts agree that the concentration in Hungary is not higher than in other European countries, and bigger owners are needed for having independent and strong press.  A major concern regarding ownership, however, is that a partly state-owned bank, Postabank (Postbank), was one of the biggest publisher, and the leader of the bank supported different papers partly from public money as gestures towards different political-intellectual groups.
        The press holding of Postabank became an even much bigger problem in 1998 when the new right-wing government nationalized Postabank, which consumed a lot of money and had to be supported with huge amount from the national budget from time to time.  Even before the nationalization the government made the bank stop financing some papers.  Although it is right that the State should not run newspapers, the bank’s decisions were selective.  While the bank stopped supporting some papers, it continues to support others.  The liberal weekly, Magyar Narancs (Hungarian Orange)—which is the only serious paper founded by young people during the democratic transition in 1989—had to keep itself alive from day to day.  Luckily, until now the editors could manage to work without salary for a long period of time while the small children of some of these editors are staying at home.  However, the leftist liberal daily Kurir could not work longer in the same situation.  At the same time, a so-called conservative paper, Magyar Nemzet (Hungarian Nation), is running longer under the ownership of the currently completely state-owned Postabank.  This procedure shows that the new right-wing government does not really respect the freedom of the press.  The Prime Minister himself announced that a new balance is needed in the press—and in cultural life—and the government can use positive discrimination to achieve that point.  And negative discrimination, we can add.
        The statement that the media law “insulated the remaining public service media from government control” was more or less true for 1997, but the party-nominated members of the supervisory boards created an institutionalized multiparty control with some informal governmental influence.  On top of that, the government always tried to find “small gates” to avoid financing the public broadcasters automatically, based on law provisions that insulate the government from budget support of the public media.  The bad supervisory structure has harmful but not tragic effect on MR (Hungarian Radio) and DTV (Danube Television, which provides programmes firstly for the Hungarian minorities in the neighbouring countries).  But MTV (Hungarian Television) was in a deep crisis before the unpleasant boards started to work, and its crisis is hardly deepening by the mistaken structure.  MTV could get even worse in 1998 when the new right-wing government started its media-balancing policy.  By obviously cooperating with a small extreme-right opposition party, the governing parties, in the beginning of 1999, created, only from their nominees, a supervisory board for MTV after keeping the station in a long uncertain, pending situation in the second half of 1998.  (See my article, MTV in Hungary, in Issue 50 of this Newsletter.)
        The good news for freedom of the press is that 1998 was the year when the two national private television channels finally got more shares of the audience than the suffering MTV.  Perhaps this will give a chance for MTV to have less political pressure and more effective management to create a serious, financially accountable public television under the new, competitive circumstances.  But that change would probably need some amendments to the law, thus providing a new supervisory structure and a new regulation of the procedure of the Complaints Commission of ORTT, which is sometimes a sword against the freedom of the press.  These amendments should be based on liberal ideas for independence of the media, which was only a lonely point of the liberal party SZDSZ (Federation of Free Democrats) in basic questions when the law was first created.

Péter Molnár
Former Member of Parliament
Associate Professor, ELTE University Media Center

 

Last Updated: 11/20/99

 

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