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BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA
The Constitution provides for
freedom of speech and the press; this right was respected
partially in the Federation and in the western RS, but
less so in the eastern RS. Within the Federation,
press freedom was more severely restricted in
Croat-majority areas. Some progress was made in
establishing independent media in Federation cantons with
a Bosniak majority and in the RS, particularly in Banja
Luka. The primary restraints on press freedom are
control of the principal media by governing political
parties and, in the case of newspapers, the unwillingness
of Governments in either entity to provide access to
kiosk networks under their control.
Party-controlled media—particularly Croatian state
radio and television—are the dominant electronic
media and information source in Croat-majority areas of
the Federation. While coverage of the September
elections by nationalistic media was improved from 1997,
most media continued to be strongly biased.
The Dnevni
Avaz newspaper, distributed widely in the Federation, was
controlled largely by the ruling SDA party. Some
opposition and independent newspapers operate in the
Bosniak-majority areas of the Federation and in the RS,
principally in Banja Luka. Oslobodjenje and
Vecernje Novine are the leading independent dailies, and
Dani and Slobodna Bosna are the most influential
independent magazines in the Federation. One of the
few independent magazines in the RS was Reporter, a
weekly published by a former foreign correspondent of the
Belgrade-based independent Vreme, while Nezavisne Novine
is an independent newspaper published in the western
RS. Also in the RS, the Social-Liberal Party
published an opposition magazine, Novi Prelom, and the
Social Democratic Party published a daily
newspaper. Both of these publications take an
independent line and are consistently supportive of the
Dayton Accords.
It was
difficult for independent and opposition media in the RS
to gain access to the government-controlled kiosk
distribution system. The same was true of some
areas of the Federation, particularly in Croat-controlled
regions. Some independent media in the two
entities, for example, Dani and Reporter, assist in the
distribution of each other’s publications in their
respective entities.
In order to better regulate all broadcast media,
the OHR in June established the Independent Media
Commission (IMC), whose functions and responsibilities
include licensing all broadcasters; drawing up codes of
practice for broadcasters and other media; managing and
assigning frequencies for broadcasting purposes; and
ensuring adherence to license conditions.
Prior to 1998
the dominant nationalist political parties exercised
strong control over television and radio.
Federation state television (RTV BiH) faithfully served
the interests of the SDA. The RTV BiH gave
preferential coverage to SDA leaders and greatly limited
reports on the opposition. However, in June joint
Presidency members Alija Izetbegovic and Kresmir Zubak
signed an OHR-drafted Memorandum of Understanding (MOU)
for restructuring the RTV BiH which, in effect, is to be
the basis for a Federation-wide television network
independent of political party control. The MOU
also is designed to be the basis for a nationwide network
later on. The OHR in July appointed an 11-member
interim Board of Governors, which is to guide the network
until the establishment of a public corporation.
Croat-controlled areas in Bosnia-Herzegovina are
covered by Croatian State Television (HRT). The
three HRT channels come into the country by means of an
over-the-border terrestrial broadcasting satellite, and
an extensive rebroadcasting operation managed by the
Mostar-based, Zagreb-controlled Erotel company.
HRT’s news programs and editorials frequently
criticize the Dayton Accords. A December decision
by the IMC is intended to terminate the direct
rebroadcast of Croatian State Television by requiring
that RTV BiH and Croat television broadcasters establish
a Federation television system that meets the needs of
all BiH citizens.
Until SFOR
acted in 1997 on an OHR request to end offensive
broadcasts by RS government-run Serb Radio-Television
(SRT), the SRT followed the line of the then-ruling SDS
Party, with frequently inaccurate and inflammatory
reporting. The SRT sought to undercut the Dayton
Accords by covering events in the Federation in the
“international” portion of the news.
Following SFOR’S action, the OHR implemented a plan
to restructure the SRT that included the appointment of
an international administrator to oversee management of
the station until the completion of restructuring.
In the interim, only the SRT station in Banja Luka was
authorized to continue broadcasting. Despite the
presence of an OHR-appointed international administrator
at the helm of SRT, its restructuring has stalled.
The
international donor-supported television Open Broadcast
Network (OBN)—which now has 13 affiliates located in
both the Federation and the RS—provides independent
news and public affairs programming. The OBN was
launched by the international community to be a
cross-entity broadcaster and source of objective
news. Thanks to an expanded area of coverage and
improved programming, OBN viewership rose during the
year. By November OBN could be seen by 80 percent
of the population. The OBN still is working to
improve its broadcast range.
Other
independent television outlets include TV Hayat, TV X,
Studio 99, and several small TV stations scattered around
the country. These broadcasters were originally
municipal stations. They have not yet been fully
privatized, and their legal ownership status remains
unclear.
Radio
broadcasting in the Bosniak-majority areas of the
Federation—particularly in Sarajevo, Zenica, and
Tuzla—is diverse. Opposition viewpoints are
reflected in the news programs of independent
broadcasters. Independent or opposition radio
stations broadcast in the RS—particularly in Banja
Luka and Trebinje. Nezavisni Radio, Nezavisna
Televizija, and Radio Pegas report a wide variety of
political opinions. Local radio stations broadcast
in Croat-majority areas, but they are usually highly
nationalistic. Local Croat authorities do not
tolerate opposition viewpoints.
While some
foreign journalists who represent recognized media were
able to travel freely to most areas of the country,
others encountered difficulties. Local police and
security officials in the RS and West Mostar harassed
journalists associated with opposition parties or
minority ethnic groups.
In September
RS police and security officials detained three members
of an RTV BiH crew covering the elections in Banja Luka
for alleged “rudeness and
aggressiveness.” They were held at a facility
where police claimed they “voluntarily” erased
some of their camera footage. The three were
released following intervention by the OSCE mission.
In October
Radio Free Europe part-time reporter Nikola Gurovic was
arrested at the Sarajevo airport on charges that he had
not presented valid vouchers to justify expenses he had
claimed from the RTV-BiH in 1992. The Independent
Union of Professional Journalists protested that Gurovic
had been singled out for arrest for a common
offense. Gurovic was released after a day. In
October in Capljina two journalists were arrested because
they had not first registered with the police.
Academic
freedom was constrained. In the Federation, Serbs
and Croats complained that SDA party members receive
special treatment in appointments and promotions at the
University of Sarajevo. The University of Banja
Luka limits its appointments to Serbs. All
institutions suffer from a lack of resources and staff,
as well as the legacy of the Communist period.
Officials at the University of (West) Mostar endeavor to
ensure that very few non-Croats work or study there.
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