Choice of the Regions is published by the Russian-American Press and Information Center.It appears weekly in Russian and English and is distributed in over 19 countries. Circulation: 1,400 printed version, 1,200 electronic version Choice of the Regions is made possible by a grant from the Know-How Fund of the British Government. The views expressed are those of the authors and editors and are not necessarily representative of the views of the British Government. The Russian-American Press and Information Center, established by the USA and Canada Institute and New York University, is based in Moscow. It has branch offices in five Russian cities.
June 1996. L. Goncharova, first deputy director
of the oblast administration Trade Department, exhorted the directors of
areas under her jurisdiction «to vote in the upcoming elections for
the current President of Russia.» The oblast-wide newspaper «Kommuna»,
in reporting this event, noted that Russian Federation law prohibits participation
of authorities of state organs in pre-election agitation (On the Basic
Guarantees of the Rights of Voters of the Russian Federation).
Vigilant in this one instance, the paper has paid
no attention to other violations of election law. In particular, it failed
to report that the city was flooded with communist leaflets before the
officially permitted start of campaigning. «Kommuna» also had
no comment when, on its own pages, the directors of the Voronezh oblast
soviet of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions (FNPR) announced their
support of Zyuganov.
«Molodoi Kommunar», on the other hand,
published «An Address to the Workers of Russia» from the Confederation
of Free Labor. It reads, in part, «The experience of past years proves
that the Federation of Independent Trade Unions of the RF has been entirely
dependent on the slightest call from its eternal master — the Communist
Party. Members of the FNPR, think about where your membership dues are
going! They are being spent on political games, they are working for the
return of totalitarianism, deficits, ration cards and bread lines.»
The Center calls on all those not wishing to finance Zyuganov and Anpilov
to abandon without delay «the school of communism», and create
new, professional unions, free from the ideology of both communists and
boards of directors.
Novgorod
June 1996. Journalists of the oblast’s largest
publications obviously do not want to rock the boat. This puts their readers
on very short information rations. A bold headline in «Novgorod Vedomosti»,
for example, might catch a reader’s eye. The text of the article, however,
will contain a careful little phrase like «I am intentionally not
naming any candidate as a positive or negative example.»
Activists for the «Citizens Initiative»
movement have found different tastes in their talks with voters. The people
do not want careful or fiery rhetoric. They seek a broad exchange of opinions
among authoritative figures, people who can refer to convincing numbers
and facts. Such material, however, seldom appears, and is not widely distributed
because it is printed in small quantities.
Dr. S. Makarov, a professor of economics who is
skeptical of the course of Russian reforms, gave a detailed analysis of
«Zyuganomics» in the regional «Novgorod University.»
He came to the conclusion that the CPRF leader’s program to re-animate
the economy was doomed to failure.
University deputy rector Gantmakher writes in the
same paper that as an ardent Yeltsin supporter he experiences a certain
discomfort before the voters. «I made promises, believing in him.
And I let the people down.» Having set forth his understanding of
the nature of the President’s mistakes, Gantmakher then tries to persuade
the reader that the blame lies not in Yeltsin’s apostasy from communist
ideology, but in his inability fully «to renounce the old world.»
The deputy rector sees Yeltsin as «the lesser of the evils.»
Unfortunately, the 5,000 copies of «Novgorod University» are
a drop in the sea when compared to the press runs of the leading publications
which prefer to remain above the fray.
Orenburg
June 1996. Election passions in the press
are running so high that journalists are no longer content with simply
attacking the candidates, but are now turning on one another.
For instance, one regional newspaper attacked another
for printing a blood-curdling account of the horrors of the communist past.
Reminiscenses of an old woman not intended for publication. The offended
woman turned to the rival publication, which capitalized on the event.
A spokesman for the oblast Internal Affairs Ministry
expressed his indignation over a cartoon in the free «Ne Dai Bog!»
newspaper, with its circulation of ten million copies. The third issue
of the paper carried a cartoon depicting Zyuganov as a villain with a Walther
pistol in his hand and dressed in the uniform of a Russian militia sergeant.
Perhaps the implication was that villainy marches in the uniform of the
main guardian of public order.
The region’s oldest newspaper «Yuzhnyj Ural»
issued a statement about the increasingly frequent requests to print political
advertising without pre-payment and without any indication of the advertising
nature of the copy. Though such requests are illegal, a whole collection,
signed by the candidates’ campaign managers, have been kept by the editorial
office. Those who order such hidden advertising also recommend the use
of statements by performing artists who come on tour. As it turns out,
aides to the candidates have already obtained the entertainers' consent.
In interviews with the local media, the cultural figures would express
unanimous support for Yeltsin.
A. Mikhalin, a local radio correspondent, entered
into a polemic with Yu. Nikifornko, State Duma deputy and local communist
leader, while interviewing him on the air. The deputy criticized the lopsided
coverage of local politics, slanted in favor of one single candidate, but
got nothing but ironic comments in response.
In the days to come, quite a few legal actions on
the granting of advertising space to the candidates are likely. To ensure
fairness, the Orenburg Union of Journalists delegated a representative
to the regional election commission to give professional advice in the
assessment of publications of dubious character.
Khabarovsk
May 1996. The privately-owned radio station Vostok has reappeared on the air. A year ago the station was closed down by the taxation service, but the station has been bailed out by democratically-minded businesspeople. The Intourist joint stock company paid off the station’s heavy debts and provided facilities. Though no longer financially independent, the radio journalists have not give up their convictions: Vostok radio continues to support reform. To date this is the 16th radio station in the Khabarovsk territory.
Yekaterinburg
May 1996. Though public in name, the local
Center for Re-Election of the President has an influence that clearly indicates
its affiliation to the regional administration. For example, the city’s
metro construction workers had not been paid since February. They called
a one-day strike, and showed up at the center’s public reception desk.
Immediately after, according to articles in «Oblastnaya Gazeta»
and «Ural’sky Rabochij», Vladimir Surin, the metro works general
director, met with Eduard Rossel, governor of Sverdlovsk region. This meeting
resulted in a bank credit being secured by the regional government for
payment of the back wages. Thus, according to local observers, are the
numbers of the incumbent President’s backers augmented.
The European-Asian news agency reported that the
executive committee of the Urals Military Officers’ Alliance has invalidated
the organization’s endorsement of Gennady Zyuganov given by Alliance representative
Boris Andropov, and expelled Andropov for exceeding his authority in announcing
it.
Gennady Burbulis, head of the «Strategiya»
Humanities and Political Science center, underscored the importance of
professionalism in politics as opposed to the former nomenklatura’s tendency
to handle issues through naked pressure and reprimand. During a presentation
of his new book in Yekaterinburg Burbulis declared that although he supported
Yeltsin, he believed that the president would have to renew his political
identity during the course of the campaign.
The newspaper «Na Smenu!», in an impressive
report covering a meeting of the council for public security under the
regional governor, noted that voters expect the President to give high
priority to issues of social policy. but the policy itself is dependent
on the situation in the sphere of taxation.
Kaluga Region
May 1996. Many editors of district newspapers trace their lineage to the former CPSU district committees. Confident of this cadre’s support, Zyuganov declared, early into the race, that most of the provincial newspapers would back the CPRF. This hope, however, is likely to be thwarted. Nearly all such newspapers are financed from the regional budget, giving the local administration its own leverage over the district-level media. Whatever their convictions or affiliations, these editors must pay in kind for their provender, namely, publication of positive articles not only about Zyuganov , but also about other candidates, including Yeltsin. In Obninsk, the newspaper of the same name (formerly called «Vperyod»), produced a whole page of pluralist campaign articles. Among other items, there was an article by A.Vassiliev of the Our Home Is Russia bloc entitled «I Vote for Life without Upheavals», an appeal from the Kaluga regional council of Russia’s Democratic Choice and an article by the mayor of Moscow entitled «Russia Again at the Crossroads». Each of these offered arguments in favor of the incumbent president. Yury Luzhkov, in particular, argued that there is no one else among 160 million Russians to whom the fate of the country on the eve of a new millennium could be entrusted. G.Kotel’nikov, on the other hand, a retired colonel and Great Patriotic War veteran, accuses Yeltsin of a lack of moral principles and states with the directness of a soldier: «I will vote for Zyuganov, the first presidential candidate nominated by the Communist Party, for I will vote for our happier future.»
Voronezh
May 1996. A demand by Governor A. Kovalev
requiring all local leaders to, within a week state their preference for
president was met with strong criticism in political circles. The request,
made at a joint meeting of regional administrative heads and journalists,
required local directors to publish their opinion in the local press. A
Federal Duma committee has initiated hearings on the possibility of infraction
of the constitution by the head of the administration. Statute 29, paragraph
3 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation states: « No one
shall be required to state their opinions of convictions, nor shall they
be required to deny them.» Kovalev has made arm-twisting a habit.
One day before the fall elections, he also gave the electorate clear recommendations
on whom they should vote for.
Another blatant breach of election law by the leadership
of the local media also occurred before the last elections. One day before
the elections, there was a joint issue of «Kommuna», «Voronezhskii
Kuryer» and several other newspapers, appealing to their readers
to vote for specific candidates.
Kemerovo Region
May 1996. The situation in Kuzbas is in some
ways unique, since this is the only region with its own presidential candidate
A.Tuleyev, who has dominated local election coverage recently.
In this region marked by a deep divide between the
legislature and the executive, the local media in late April announced
an hour-long TV debate between the head of the local legislature, A.Tuleyev,
and the head of the local administration, M.Kislyuk. As soon as he was
officially registered as a presidential candidate, however, Tuleyev declared
that it was beneath a presidential candidate to debate with a mere governor,
and canceled the television event.
Earlier, another controversy about Tuleyev surfaced
in the local media. A certain Yevgeniya Ivankova introduced herself on
the local television news program Pul’s as press secretary to the President’s
representative in the region A.Malykhin. She announced that she possessed
some embarrassing films of Tuleyev and promised to put them on the air.
The spot was branded as political blackmail by Tuleyev’s supporters, and
protests were lodged with the Federal Security Service and the Prosecutor-General’s
Office. Malykhin, in his turn, said that he had no press secretary on his
staff and that Ivankova had disclosed information as a private individual.
Ivankova subsequently confirmed that she had indeed acted on her own, and
had done so out of despair after being repeatedly threatened. Not everyone
found her story convincing, and it remained unclear whether the films and
tapes in question actually existed.
Scandal-mongering and rumors now abound in Kuzbas,
often leaving journalists on unsure ground. Tuleyev’s legal representative,
for instance, takes legal action even if he knows that such action will
be summarily dismissed, accusing journalists of libel for reprinting copy
from national newspapers or citing official press releases of the regional
administration. Absurd as it may seem, this makes journalists wary of criticizing
Tuleyev in any way, unnerving them and wasting their time.
Lipetsk
May 1996. Anatoli Larin, the president’s representative
in Lipetsk, has appealed to local journalists to provide impartial information
to the public about platforms of the candidates, and it seems that his
voice has reached the audience. The newspaper of the Novolipetski Metallurgical
Factory «Metallurg» published a story by the famous Russian
journalist Radzikhovski who gives the following account of reforms: «People
started to realize that the authority regardless of its mistakes provides
at least some perspective». It is no wonder that the journalist published
his story in «Metallurg»-the factory which organized a committee
to support Yeltsin, with the Director of the factory Ivan Frantsenyuk as
its chairman.
While the media of the region are attempting to
maintain neutrality in their campaign coverage, the authorities are biased
in their statements. The head of administration Narolin in his appearance
on radio «Echo» said that Russia needs stability and only Yeltsin
can provide. In his turn the chairman of the regional Soviet of Deputies
during his appearance on the local program «Teleobyectiv» openly
supported communists.
A scandal regarding the collection of petitions
for Yeltsin among railroad workers from the city of Yelets has a new development.
About 9.5 thousand signatures were collected from the 18 thousand local
railroad employees. This fact was discussed in the State Duma. This is
an example of how officials are using the perks of office to promote the
Yeltsin campaign. «Lipetskaya Gazeta» reports that local construction
workers and employees of communal services have suddenly became faithful
supporters of the president. The «Krasnoye Znamya» daily has
started a new column called «Voters Opinion» where the paper
attempts to provide a balanced coverage of opinions.
Murmansk
May 1996. Supporters of both Yeltsin and Yavlinsky
have been the most active in the first stage of the advertising campaign
here. Nearly 100 thousand advertising leaflets were distributed in one
day to citizens of Murmansk and plastered the walls of their houses, containing
the following simple puzzle: please guess the name of the married man,
under 50, with a university degree in economics, who is fluent in foreign
languages, and is without habits which are harmful for the country.
Yeltsin backers, in contrast to Yavlinsky’s joyful
supporters, decided to scare the voters. More than 50 thousand citizens
found in their mailboxes the new colorful newspaper «Ne Dai Bog».
The tabloid-sized paper features a photograph of Zyuganov in a surgeon’s
robe holding a scalpel in the shape of a hammer and sickle. The communist
leader is smiling mysteriously and asks the reader: «Do you have
any complaints?» This paper, seemingly published in violation of
article 37 of the Mass Media Law of the Russian Federation, since is lacks
imprint data, features articles by such famous Russian personalities as
film director Rolan Bikov, popular showman Leonid Yakubovich, and actor
Yevgeni Lebedev. Further investigation revealed that this weekly publication
is produced as a supplement to the national newspaper «President»,
and was paid for by ROSPECHAT, Russia’s largest distributor of periodicals.
Those Murmansk citizens that subscribe to the region’s largest newspaper
«Vecherni Murmansk» (Evening Murmansk) and national weeklies
such as «Argumenti i Facti» (Arguments and Facts) and «Ekonomicheskoye
Obozreniye» (Economic Review) will get the supplement free.
While the local press has yet to publish any political
advertising, there were a number of articles explaining why people should
vote for the president, and not for Zyuganov. «Murmanski Vestnik»
(Murmansk Herald), the organ of the regional administration, has published
two stories: «I Choose Stagnation» and «We Need Stability
to Fight the Crisis». The newspaper questions the possibility of
continued free elections if Zyuganov wins. «We know Yeltsin, we know
what to expect from him. He won’t stop the reforms and he will not do anything
wrong for Russia. He will not introduce censorship, he will not smother
democracy. This is enough. Let him guarantee stability and the country
will do the rest.»
Novgorod
May 1996. The influence of national media
versus local media has recently been highlighted in this region. A report
produced by local sociologists claims that media distributed nationwide
are promoting anxiety among the population, falling short of meeting people’s
need for stability. As a result, many democratically-oriented media are
haphazardly furthering the cause of the leftist opposition, which capitalizes
on voter dissatisfaction. In this situation, according to the media researchers,
local media have a moderating influence and thus gain in credibility.
Most members of the press association representing
the region’s publications have maintained neutrality in the election campaign.
«Novgorodskiye Vedomosti» stated that every journalist may
have a personal view but, as a collective body, the editorial board merely
informs the voter about the candidates’ platforms. This policy is followed
by both «Novgorodskiye Vedomosti» and by «Novgorod»,
the municipal newspaper distributed for free. These papers have given only
modest coverage to the visits of Lebed and Zyuganov to the city, omitting
Lebed’s more colorful statements and details of Zyuganov’s meetings with
Novgorod’s governor.
Such a stand has so far drawn no criticism from
the readers. By contrast, the response to the aggressively anti-communist
«Ne Dai Bog!» distributed free through the mail has been sharply
negative. When in Novgorod, Zyuganov himself seized an opportunity to strike
back, alleging that the paper was published abroad and distributed by the
postal service under pressure from the federal government. N.Lisitsyna,
a psychologist and member of the «Union of Realists», believes,
however, that negative campaigning of this kind, though mobilizing the
communist electorate to step up its political activity, may still serve
its purpose of affecting the undecided.
The only people objecting to the neutrality of the
region’s papers are political activists themselves. Yavlinsky supporters,
for instance, see the refusal of influential local papers to print the
results of a poll from a regional center which placed Yeltsin second to
Yavlinsky as an implicit breach of neutrality. The results were ultimately
published in the «Samovar» newspaper, which has a circulation
of 1,000 and is distributed free through local butcher shops.
Orenburg
May 1996. The presidential campaign in the
region is unfolding against a backdrop of political violence which dates
back to the elections in December. Then, in the race for the regional governor’s
seat, supporters of the regional government head V.Yelagin made false accusations
in two local newspapers they controlled against the second candidate G.Donkovtsev,
then mayor of Orenburg.
Although he lost the election, the former mayor
won a libel suit against the newspapers. Subsequently, Donkovtsev’s lawyer
was beaten up by unknown assailants, and two bomb attempts were made on
the mayor’s life, the second of which landed him in an intensive-care unit.
His former rival Yelagin declared that he would personally supervise the
inquiry, but most observers remained skeptical of the inquiry’s success.
Local police have still failed to identify the culprits in the previous
beating of Tatyana Popova. Just prior to the assault, Popova, a reporter
for the regional paper «Yuzhnyj Ural» and an aide to Duma communist
deputy V.Volkov, had written an article decrying the practice of forcing
people at government-sector enterprises to sign petitions in support of
only one presidential candidate.
Mounting crime is a cause for concern among local
news media, and these latest acts of clearly political violence only add
to this discontent. Some even attribute the crime wave to the machinations
of the powers-that-be, anxious to find a reason for postponing the election.
The head of Gazprom, Rem Vyakhirev, flew to Orenburg
personally to shore up support for Yeltsin. His reception, however, was
less enthusiastic than could be expected from a center of the gas industry,
and his audiences included agrarians, Cossacks and representatives of the
local Muslim communities. The reason for this, according to media reports,
is that shortly before the visit, local gas prices skyrocketed in this
region which exports its gas to Europe. As a result, gas bills for local
agricultural enterprises significantly exceeded wages, which have recently
been paid only sporadically. Since the situation with wages at Gazprom
in Orenburg is very much the same, the visit of Yeltsin’s envoy had been
doomed to failure from the beginning.
During the campaign the region has seen the appearance
of two previously unknown propaganda newspapers, each expressing an opposite
extreme view. «Ne Dai Bog!» (God Forbid!) is printed in color
and distributed across the country from Kaliningrad to Vladivostok. This
fiercely anti-communist publication emanating from Moscow targets a generic
Russian audience stripped of any local differences. Though pushed on its
readers, it has hardly achieved the desired effect. On the opposite side,
«Orenburgskaya Pravda», edited by local communist leader and
Duma deputy Yu.Nikiforenko, focuses on local issues. This partisan paper,
which has also appeared for the election season, has a small circulation,
and has had no apparent impact on non-communist readership.
Rostov-on-Don
May 1996. A letter signed by four members
of the Communist faction in the State Duma and published in the local press,
accuses the local Rostov Administration and media of bias against them.
The local administration, according to the letter, «is a humble servant
of the Federal Authority and prevents access to information about State
Duma activities and other events in the country that do not reflect official
opinion». State controlled media «on the one hand blacks out
information about our activity, and on the other hand provides comprehensive
coverage of so called democratically oriented deputies who avoid direct
contact with the voters.»
The daily newspaper «Nashe Vremya» supplemented
the text of the letter with a comment signed by Ms. Yuzhanskaya and entitled
«The Eternal Struggle», which reminds readers that during the
first quarter of the year the lawmakers hadn’t found time to pass any important
legal acts. Then she asks: «Why now have the deputies from the Communist
Party suddenly felt the desire to meet the voters? They didn’t seem to
work hard in the Duma... They were mostly preoccupied discussing their
privileges like pensions, salaries, and travel expenses.» The publication
«Molot» (Hammer) noted that «very few politicians received
as much exposure during their visits to our region as Zyuganov. Isn’t the
fact that this document has been published proof that we are ready to provide
balanced coverage?»
St.Petersburg
May 1996. Gennady Seleznyov, chairman of the
State Duma, tried to allay the fears of journalists concerned about the
fate of the mass media should Zyuganov win the election. Seleznyov, guest
speaker at a conference marking the fiftieth anniversary of St.Petersburg
University School of Journalism, was barraged by questions following his
lecture on journalism in Russia’s modern social and political life.
An alumnus of the School of Journalism and long-time
editor of newspapers such as «Smena», «Komsomolskaya
Pravda» and «Pravda», Seleznyov tried to reassure his
audience that there is no threat to freedom of speech. «Should such
a danger become real,» he stated, «Believe me, I will either
resign or make some other public demonstration.» He promised that
private TV and radio stations would not be closed down, but expressed alarm
over the fate of government-owned television. According to Seleznyov, government
television is becoming the exclusive domain of the state sovereign.
Tatarstan
May 1996. The campaign in this republic is
following the pattern of the parliamentary elections when activity intensified
only a fortnight before election day itself. The low level of political
activity and greater attention to republican-level issues are reflected
in the media where scant election-related information can be found. The
anchor of the Respublika program on the Efir channel has likened the public
mood to the impulse that makes ostriches bury their heads in the sand.
Conversely, the political observer of the «Molodyozh Tatrstana»
weekly views this attitude as quite normal in a republic bent on attaining
sovereignty.
«Vechernaya Kazan», a newspaper labeled
locally as pro-Moscow, is an exception to this. The paper tends to represent
the views of the local democratic movement Equality and Legality, which
is mainly concerned about the unchecked power and self-sustained growth
of the bureaucracy, especially at the local level. This is a recurring
theme, evident even in its election-related stories.
Reporting on a teleconference with local media representatives
by N.Ryabov, chairman of the Central Election Commission, the paper commented
on a question relating to a computerized election system: «Now, look,
the system was used in Tatarstan on March 24 (Tatarstan’s presidential
election) and the result was excellent. It is possible, though, that the
result was not all thanks to that system or, rather, it was not at all
thanks to it...» The commentary concluded: «Nobody asked the
Commission’s chairman who would win in the end but, surely, you do know,
Nikolay Timofeevich, don’t you?» (VK, April 30) A report of Gorbachev’s
meeting with representatives of the Kazan delegation contains the newspaper’s
suggestion that Gorbachev «should disagree with those who say that
curbing prices and putting a stop to the war in Chechnya must be emphasized,
because these issues are derivative. What should be emphasized and what
has always made Gorbachev different is curbing the power of the bureaucracy
and putting it under stringent control.» (VK, May 3)
The official newspaper «Respublika Tatarstan»
displays a different tendency. In its first Saturday supplement following
the candidates’ official registration, the paper carried a full-page interview
with S.Baburin of the Russian All-People’s Union. Under the heading People
and Circumstances, the interview dealt with the views of the popular patriotic
forces, which are supporting Zyuganov, on the main issues of domestic policy.
Baburin’s populist statements about the need «to restore the principles
of power by the people and social justice» are given verbatim and
left without a comment, characteristic of the provincial press where candidate’s
pledges are taken at their face value.
Residents of Kazan have been receiving the newspaper
«Ne Dai Bog!» in their mailboxes every week from the beginning
of April. This openly anti-communist paper offers projections on what may
happen after June 16. Local communist leader A.Salij, speaking at the May
Day rally to an audience of about 2,000, remarked that this paper is edited
in Moscow, printed abroad, and distributed in the region for free — all
this using money from the government. «We don’t have that much money,»
he said, appealing for donations, «but we have other strengths...»
Khabarovsk
May 1996. When a court here recently ruled
against a candidate who had been threatening the press, local journalists
editorialized that for the first time they feel truly protected from the
whims of government. This will undoubtedly improve the quality of coverage
of the presidential elections and the upcoming advertising campaign.
Upholding the honor of journalists in the Amur Region
(Priamurye), the Kirov People’s Court of Khabarovsk ruled that legal manipulations
of the media during election campaigns are unacceptable.
Vladimir Baryshev, formerly a private detective
and a member of the State Duma has been battling the newspaper «Tikhookeanskaya
Zvezda» (Pacific Ocean Star). Since last December’s elections he
has been trying to win 1 billion rubles from the editors as compensation
for alleged «moral damages». The editors refused to publish
Baryshev’s annual deputy’s report, a ponderous 26-page document. Baryshev,
who was running for reelection, threatened to go to court. However the
newspaper still refused to publish him. The editors were able to prove
that much of the material presented to the paper by Baryshev had already
appeared in «Tikhookeanskaya Zvezda». It is also illegal to
give preference to any one candidate. When Baryshev’s suit was refused,
the television-radio companies «Dalnevostochnaya» and «Komsomolskaya»,
with whom the ex-deputy is in a permanent state of war, also breathed a
bit easier.
Bryansk
May 1996. The nature of political involvement
in the local press was rather aptly defined in the weekly «Dobry
Den» (Good Day), a newspaper firmly in opposition to the local authorities.
It ran an article headlined «He who pays the piper, calls the tune».
The newspaper presented a breakdown of the subsidies granted to district
and regional press by the local Duma. Orchestrating the handouts were leaders
of the local government and its lobbyists.. The communist paper «Bryansky
Rabochiy» received 400m. rubles-half of the total of all subsidies.
The Bryanskiye Izvestiya, Bryanskaya Gazeta and Bryznsk TV got 80m. each;
Golos Profsoyuzov got 60m.; BK-Fakt and Bryanskaya Pravda each received
20m. each. According to «Dobry Den», this breakdown is a clear
indication of the political preferences current among the people's chosen
representatives.
Despite the subsidies, the daily «Bryanskiye
Izvestiya» (Bryansk News) has covered the election campaign with
a good measure of restraint, showing no particular sympathy towards the
Zyuganov bloc or its local activists.On the whole, however, the political
situation in the region is far from favorable for the President. Unemployment
is growing, car workers are on strike, and the machine-tooling plant, Bryansk's
biggest industrial enterprise, has suspended operations. The federal social
security programs are underfinanced. The issues of private land ownership
and the war in Chechnya have made the President particularly vulnerable
to the opposition.
In the districts, left-leaning editors consistently
print negative items about the president. Local public opinion polls seem
to indicate that there is a persistent leftist sentiment among the electorate.
To counter this sentiment, reformist parties have advanced the idea of
a single candidate to represent them. According to a report in the «Bryanskiye
Izvestiya», the Yabloko faction has sent its organization managers
to the region to explore reaction to a single candidate idea. Meanwhile,
the regional election committee has begun to stir, and Bryansk TV has announced
its advertising rates. In short, the race has begun.
Novosibirsk
May 1996. There has already been a dispute
involving the gathering of support signatures for presidential candidates,
with the press being used as a foil in a battle between two powerful local
officials. The officials are E. Loginov, State Duma Deputy (LDPR), and
V. Ugnenko, head of the Dovolensk regional administration in the Novosibirsk
oblast. Loginov charged that Ugnenko's article on bribing of voters by
the LDPR was an insult to the party of Zhirinovsky. Ugnenko wrote that
the LDPR was paying 5,000 rubles for each signature supporting Zhirinovsky.
This will most likely lead to a lawsuit defending the honor and dignity
of the LDPR. «The rash of lawsuits by Zhirinovsky activists were
probably foreseen in the LDPR's election program, as a means to be victorious
in the presidential elections,» commented Artur Khoroshilov of «Novaya
Sibirskaya Gazeta».
Former President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev sees
Novosibirsk as one of the key cities in his campaign. This is perhaps tied
in with his campaign chief, Aleksei Manannikov, one of the most respected
politicians in the region. The alliance between the two men seems rather
odd as it is unlikely that anyone in Novosibirsk criticized Gorbachev more
during his presidency than former dissident and political prisoner Manannikov.
Observers are wondering whose views have changed.
Not long before Gorbachev's two-day visit here,
a local television channel broadcast an interview specially prepared for
Novosibirsk. In his usual manner, Gorbachev spoke at length about everything,
without suggesting any extraordinary measures. The one topic he mentioned
frequently was the urgent need to find a solution for regional problems.
In response to the question of how he reacts to
his standing in published polls, the ex-president answered that, judging
by how people meet him wherever he goes, and by how they are interested
in his program, such ratings have no relation to reality. He noted, «The
real battle is only just beginning...»
Rostov-on-Don
May 1996. A recent conference of journalists'
organizations highlighted concerns over presssures on the media during
the presidential campaign . Participants included, in addition to 71 delegates
from journalists' collectives, A. Bedrik, Deputy Head of Administration
for the oblast, and N. Babich, Director of Press-Services.
The delegates were surprised by an unexpected change
in the previously announced agenda. The conference began with a 20-minute
briefing, at which representatives of several new movements appeared. These
movements only recently appeared in Rostov and hold generally pro-presidential
political views. K. Sulima, the local chairman of the “Movement for Public
Support of the President of the RF» aroused some controversy when
he tried to instruct journalists.
He noted that the reduction in State support to
the mass media during the reform years had given birth to a drive to publish
all information that might grab the reader's interest. Sulima called upon
the oblast's journalists not to forget their professional duty during the
upcoming election campaign: to be objective.
Many feel there is no basis for complaining about
a lack of objective reporting in the press. Therefore, the change in the
agenda and Sulima's address brought an interesting reaction even from delegates
with solid democratic positions. V. Cherkasov, editor of «Vecherniy
Volgodonsk», who took the floor immediately following the address
and opined that Sulima's appearance at the conference was a definite mistake.
Part of the electorate would undoubtedly see it as an attempt at direct
presidential pressure on leaders of the local mass media, he said.