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A Letter from Minsk As part of a project for the Central and Eastern Europe Law Initiative (the CEELI project of the ABA), we prepared notes on law, media and the elections in Belarus prior to the July election of Aleksander Lukashenko. In March 1994, the Belarus Supreme Soviet adopted the Law on Presidential Elections. The Law addresses the media’s role in the elections in four sections. Article 4 stresses the important role of the media, and guarantees access to all meetings connected with the election. It further mandated that the Election Commission, government organs, political parties and other organizations involved in the presidential campaign must provide the media with “necessary information” about the election campaign. Article 6 provides for public financing for campaign activities. Article 27 provides equal access to all of the candidates to mass media. Article 28 provided that all candidates, political parties, and their supporters have the right to conduct free and open discussion of all aspects of the other candidates’ political, professional and personal qualities, and also to engage in “agitation” for or against any candidate through various public forums, including the press, radio, and television. On June 5, 1994, less than three weeks before the election, the Election Commission issued rules regarding the use of the electronic media during the election campaign. From June 5-21, 1994, each candidate was allocated four, one-hour separated appearances both state television and radio during “prime time.” The appearances would be paid out of the public campaign funds allocated for the election. These regulations appeared fair and neutral, with the aim of providing each candidate with equal access to the voting public through the mass media. Unfortunately, they were immediately violated, in spirit if not also in letter, by Vyacheslav Kebich, the incumbent Prime Minister defeated for the post of President. In May, 1994, Kebich began appearing every day on the nightly news, giving speeches at factories, markets, and other public forums. State TV even interrupted a popular Western film to show a taped earlier appearance of Kebich with the head of the Belarus church at a religious celebration. In the West, of course, incumbents also enjoy a television advantage since they can “make news” and therefore appear more often than their opposition. The Kebich campaign, however, appeared to have made the state television channel into its own campaign tool. Television coverage of the Prime Minister, suddenly visible everywhere, was more akin to the old Communist Party days, when Soviet TV would cover in laudatory terms the CPSU General Secretary as he was seen talking and listening to “ordinary” Soviet citizens. A number of actions were taken against media organs during the pre-election period. Svaboda (“Freedom”), a non-government paper known for accusing of government officials of corruption and alcoholism, was operating under threat of being shut down during the entire presidential campaign. On May 25, 1994, a government announcement was read over Belarus TV. The tone was reminiscent of the harshest days of Communist rule. The announcement accused the newspaper of serving the interests of “nationalist-minded political forces” who were attempting to “incite political hysteria during the election campaign.” Claiming that the newspaper represents “freedom from truth, fairness, decency and morality,” and noting that it has lost all court actions brought by “outraged, insulted and slandered citizens” (several deputies and government officials have won defamation suits against the paper), the government stated that it “considers it its duty” to take court action against the paper, acting “in the interests of strengthening stability in the government.” Immediately after this announcement, but before any legal action was taken, the government-owned publishing house refused to print the next issue of the newspaper. After protest, the newspaper was published one more time. The Ministry of Communications then stated that it will cease distribution of the paper. One week later, its registration was revoked through a court order and publication ceased. The closing of Belorusskaya Molodezhnaya Radio Program was also significant. Belorusskaya Molodezhnaya (“Belarussian youth”) was a popular talk show on state radio which presented a diversity of views on social and political issues. The program drew attention to itself through its willingness to criticize government policies. On May 28, 1994 the head of the Belarus National Bank and an outspoken critic of the Prime Minister’s ruble zone policy, was scheduled to appear on the program. A few hours before the program was aired, the staff working on this program were informed that, as part of the reorganization of state radio, the program no longer existed. Most of the staff would be transferred to a future, not yet existing second national radio channel. Music played during the Belorusskaya Molodezhnaya’s regular air time, eerily reminiscent of the days of the 1991 putsch and other periods of turmoil during the Communist Era. The head of the Gosteleradio explained the closing of the program as follows: “If our workers are insubordinate, then we have the right to make a decision not to extend their contracts. If the political views of these journalists do not correspond to those of our management, the journalist can find work elsewhere, where their views will be more suitable.” Michael J.
Bazyler, Harvard Russian Research Center |
Last Updated: 11/20/99 |
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© 1999 Post-Soviet Media Law &
Policy Newsletter |
