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Pornography, Pluralism, and the Russian Press In general, the Russian press remains a politically committed, partisan press, declamatory and subjective. This is a hangover not merely from the Soviet system, but of pre-Soviet journalistic traditions. If there is partisan commitment, however, there is also pluralism, covering the spectrum from Thatcherite free marketeers to fascists and neo-Nazis. While many Russians are understandably concerned about the appearance of the latter, others argue that the survival of press diversity is more important at the current stage of Russian political evolution than the imposition of a politically correct, but authoritarian conformity. To the extent that the Russian press contain excesses and extremism of various kinds, argues one senior journalist, they reflect the reality of contemporary Russian society, in itself a necessary if discomforting social role. “Without them the picture would be distorted and limited, and the construction of civil society and a lawful state impossible.” Whether one agrees with such a liberal view or not, anti-semitic and other materials associated with fascism will continue to appear in the Russian press, largely because the legal system is not functioning effectively. The Soviet system has disappeared, but has not yet been replaced by a legitimate Russian system. Another consequence of the legal “black hole” at the heart of Russian society is the emergence of explicit pornography on the kiosks and newsstands. In principle, the press law prohibits such material. The law is simply ignored, however, in the apparent knowledge that it will not be enforced. Some of this material is educational in intention, addressing what is widely acknowledged to be the ignorance of the Russian male about matters of sexuality, and introducing previously taboo topics, such as masturbation and the female orgasm, into public discourse. The sitution echoes the development of post-Franco Spain, in which the artificial and austere puritanism of an authoritarian regime produces, when that regime collapses, a rush to uncover the forbidden and catch up with the rest of the world. In this respect the explosion of pornography is indicative of Russia entering its ‘striptease’ phase of cultural development, peeling away the layers of sexual repression and guilt accumulated during the Soviet era. Russian pornography is as yet cheaply produced, usually in black and white on poor quality newsprint. Much of it is imported from Latvia. Higher quality porn is available through imported eastern European magazines (Polish, Yugoslavian, etc.), and in the Russian-language edition of Penthouse, which launched at the beginning of 1993.. Similar in most respects to the American edition of the magazine, Russian Penthouse presents a glossy mix of misogynistic soft-porn and features dealing with such matters as prostitution in Moscow, and the opening of new strip-clubs. It also features a Russian ‘Girl of the Month.’ Alongside the emergence of porn, the Russian press has developed an extensive tabloid sector, characterized by an editorial focus on crime, political scandal, agony columns, entertainment and lifestyle. Publications such as the curiously named SPEED (‘SPEED’ being the Russian acronym for AIDS) resemble the British Titbits with their combination of topless females, stories about western movie and rock stars, and gossip columns. Others, such as Megapolis Express and Sovershenno Sekret (Absolutely Secret) adopt a revelatory, sensational approach to crime and political affairs. Viewing these publications, one receives the impression of a press experimenting with the possibilities of editorial control, and frequently failing to correctly draw the lines of taste and decency in accordance with the prevailing cultural level of the population. Many Russians, particularly of the older generation, reared in Soviet cultural traditions, find it disturbing to be confronted with pornography on their newsstands, or to find once staid and safe newspapers suddenly addressing such subjects as incest, drug abuse and political corruption. In Pravda in June 1993 an old communist wrote nostalgically of the days when the Soviet press could be trusted not to shock, but instead “gloried labour and exposed bureaucrats.” Now, he complained, the press had been “set loose” and had developed “a permanent preoccupation with sex, relentless anti-communism, and trivia. It’s no accident,” he suggested, “that people shy away from newspaper kiosks.” Such comments can be viewed as the predictable complaints of a generation for whom the status quo of Soviet society will always be preferable to what is now emerging in Russia, but similar concerns are voiced by younger, more liberal commentators, such as the deputy editor of Moskovskoe Novosti, who asserts that “press freedom in post-Soviet Russia has not meant giving full and objective information to the reader. Infected by the decay of communism it has turned into freedom of abuse and insult; freedom to pursue private ideological wars; freedom to unleash any dirt on the page and on air—in a word, freedom to do anything, without limits.” Such views, and the debate about press standards to which they contribute, are not exclusive to Russia. But in Russia the debate is driven with particular intensity due to the suddenness of the change from one press culture to another, fuelled by the economic pressures working on newspapers and journalists. In such circumstances it is inevitable that some publications should follow the tabloid path, seeking to maximize readers with precisely the same techniques and strategies perfected by western companies. As is the case with television, the absence of effective legal regulation allows the barriers of acceptability to be pushed further and faster than might otherwise have been suggested by the traditional puritanism of a Soviet-influenced culture. On the other hand, many publications, such as the aforementioned Sovershenno Sekret, skillfully use tabloid techniques to attract readers to what is often a highly political content. Political coverage has by no means disappeared from the Russian press, but as is to be expected in a harsh and competitive market place, its style and presentation have changed markedly, and not always for the worse. Even the more extreme expressions of press freedom, in the spheres of politics and sexuality, as already suggested, may be viewed as the necessary reflection of a society in which difference and transgression were for so long suppressed. Despite the offensive nature of much of this material, it arguably plays an important role in the continuing evolution of Russian political culture towards a state of tolerance and diversity. There is, in any case, no going back for the Russian press, even if going back were thought to be desirable. Western observers may hope that they will avoid some of the mistakes made by media organizations in the advanced capitalist societies. In the end, it will be for Russian media workers, and their audiences, to decide how far and how fast the ‘striptease’ shall be allowed to proceed. Brian
McNair |
Last Updated: 11/20/99 |
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© 1999 Post-Soviet Media Law &
Policy Newsletter |
